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  3. Struggles for Political Change in the Arab World: Regimes, Oppositions, and External Actors after the Spring

Struggles for Political Change in the Arab World: Regimes, Oppositions, and External Actors after the Spring

Edited by Lisa Blaydes, Amr Hamzawy, and Hesham Sallam
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  • Overview

  • Contents

The advent of the Arab Spring in late 2010 was a hopeful moment for partisans of progressive change throughout the Arab world. Authoritarian leaders who had long stood in the way of meaningful political reform in the countries of the region were either ousted or faced the possibility of political if not physical demise. The downfall of long-standing dictators as they faced off with strong-willed protesters was a clear sign that democratic change was within reach. Throughout the last ten years, however, the Arab world has witnessed authoritarian regimes regaining resilience, pro-democracy movements losing momentum, and struggles between the first and the latter involving regional and international powers.

     This volume explains how relevant political players in Arab countries among regimes, opposition movements, and external actors have adapted ten years after the onset of the Arab Spring. It includes contributions on Egypt, Morocco, Kuwait, Saudi Arabia, Syria, Algeria, Sudan, Lebanon, Iraq, Jordan, Yemen, and Tunisia. It also features studies on the respective roles of the United States, China, Iran, and Turkey vis-à-vis questions of political change and stability in the Arab region, and includes a study analyzing the role of Saudi Arabia and its allies in subverting revolutionary movements in other countries.
  • Cover
  • Title Page
  • Copyright Page
  • Contents
  • Figures
  • Tables
  • Acknowledgments
  • Preface
  • Introduction
  • 1. Authoritarian Narratives and Practices in Egypt
  • 2. The People vs. the Palace
  • 3. Kuwait’s Changing Landscape
  • 4. The Decay of Family Rule in Saudi Arabia
  • 5. Syria’s Repressive Peace
  • 6. Mobilization without Movement
  • 7. Cycles of Contention in Lebanon
  • 8. Algeria
  • 9. The Nexus of Patronage, Petrol, and Population in Iraq
  • 10. Understanding the Roots, Dynamics, and Potential of an “Impossible” Revolution
  • 11. Tunisia
  • 12. Examining Yemen’s Post-2011 Trajectory
  • 13. U.S. Influence on Arab Regimes
  • 14. Chinese Soft Power Projection in the Arab World
  • 15. Iran’s Culture Wars in the Arab World
  • 16. The Arab Counter-Revolution
  • 17. Myths of Expansion
  • 18. Conclusion
  • Footnotes
  • Contributors
  • Index
Citable Link
Published: 2022
Publisher: University of Michigan Press
License: Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International license
ISBN(s)
  • 978-0-472-07537-9 (hardcover)
  • 978-0-472-05537-1 (paper)
  • 978-0-472-90296-5 (open access)
Series
  • Weiser Center for Emerging Democracies
Subject
  • Political Science:Political Behavior and Public Opinion
  • Political Science:Comparative Politics

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This line graph shows crude oil prices per barrel in U.S. dollars across different months. Five-year marks are noted on the horizontal axis.

Crude Oil Prices, 2000-2021

From Chapter 9

Fig. 9.1. Crude Oil Prices, 2000–2021. West Texas Intermediate Crude (WTI) Month-End Prices (inflation-adjusted), Units: USD/Barrel Source: Data from U.S. Energy Information Administration (EIA), U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS), via https://www.macrotrends.net/1369/crude-oil-price-history-chart (accessed March 2021).

This bar chart shows the population of Iraq broken down by age group in ten-year intervals. The left side of the chart shows the male population across each age bracket and the right side shows the same information for the female population.

Iraq’s Population by Age

From Chapter 9

Fig. 9.2. Iraq’s Population by Age Source: Data from U.S. Census Bureau, International Data Base, and estimated from data last updated in December 2019 https://www.census.gov/data-tools/demo/idb (accessed August 25, 2021).

This bar chart shows the percentage of the population who do not trust parliament across three different survey waves. The percentage is displayed as bars, which are shaded differently for each wave. The same information is replicated for the percentage of the population who do not trust the government.

Percentage of Tunisians Who Do Not Trust Political Institutions

From Chapter 11

Fig. 11.1. Percentage of Tunisians Who Do Not Trust Political Institutions Question wording: “I will name a number of institutions, and I would like you to tell me to what extent you trust each of them: The Parliament. The government (Cabinet). I trust it to a great extent. I trust it to a medium extent. I trust it to a limited extent. I absolutely do not trust it.” Figure 11.1 shows the percentage who answered: “I absolutely do not trust it.” Source: Arab Barometer (Wave III, IV, and V).

This line graph shows average democracy scores in the region across different years. There are four lines, each of which displays a different measure of democracy. Each line exhibits a unique pattern.

Democracy Trends in the Middle East & North Africa

Freedom House, V-Dem, and EIU Democracy Index

2006-2019

From Conclusion

Fig. 18.1. Democracy Trends in the Middle East and North Africa Source: Data from Freedom House, V-Dem, and EIU Democracy Index, 2006–19, https://freedomhouse.org/countries/freedom-world/scores

This line graph shows cross-time variation in the region’s average scores on three indicators. Each indicator is displayed by a unique line pattern.

Trends in Political Rights, Civil Liberties, and Transparency & Rule of Law in MENA

(Freedom House Standardized Scores)

2005-2020

From Conclusion

Fig. 18.2. Trends in Political Rights, Civil Liberties, and Transparency and Rule of Law in MENA (Freedom House Standardized Scores), 2005–20

This line graph shows the variation in three indicators across four survey waves. Each indicator is denoted by a unique line pattern.

Percentage of Respondents in Arab Countries Who Believe Democracy is the "Best System", "Bad for the Economy", and "Bad for Stability and Order" (2007-2019)

Arab Barometer Data

From Conclusion

Fig. 18.3. Percentage of Respondents in Arab Countries Who Believe DemocracyIs the “Best System,” “Bad for the Economy,” and “Bad for Stability and Order” (2007–19) Source: Michael Robbins, “What Arab Publics Think: Findings from the Fifth Wave Arab Barometer,” Michael Robbins, January 28, 2020, Arab Barometer Data, https://www.arabbarometer.org/wp-content/uploads/Arab_Barometer_CEPS_Presentation_Public-Opinion_2020.pdf (accessed August 30, 2021).

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