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  2. Losing to Win: Why Congressional Majorities Play Politics Instead of Make Laws

Losing to Win: Why Congressional Majorities Play Politics Instead of Make Laws

Jeremy Gelman 2020
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Most everyone, voters, political scientists, even lawmakers, think Congress is dysfunctional. Instead of solving problems, Democrats and Republicans spend their time playing politics. These days Capitol Hill seems more a place to bicker, not to pass laws. The reality is more complicated. Yes, sometimes Congress is broken. But sometimes it is productive. What explains this variation? Why do Democrats and Republicans choose to legislate or score political points? And why do some issues become so politicized they devolve into partisan warfare, while others remain safe for compromise?

Losing to Win answers these questions through a novel theory of agenda-setting. Unlike other research that studies bills that become law, Jeremy Gelman begins from the opposite perspective. He studies why majority parties knowingly take up dead-on-arrival (DOA) bills, the ideas everyone knows are going to lose. In doing so, he argues that congressional parties' decisions to play politics instead of compromising, and the topics on which they choose to bicker, are strategic and predictable. Gelman finds that legislative dysfunction arises from a mutually beneficial relationship between a majority party in Congress, which is trying to win unified government, and its allied interest groups, which are trying to enact their policies. He also challenges the conventional wisdom that DOA legislation is political theater. By tracking bills over time, Gelman shows that some former dead-on-arrival ideas eventually become law. In this way, ideas viewed as too extreme or partisan today can produce long-lasting future policy changes.

Through his analysis, Gelman provides an original explanation for why both parties pursue the partisan bickering that voters find so frustrating. He moves beyond conventional arguments that our discordant politics are merely the result of political polarization. Instead, he closely examines the specific circumstances that give rise to legislative dysfunction. The result is a fresh, straightforward perspective on the question we have all asked at some point, "Why can't Democrats and Republicans stop fighting and just get something done?"

 

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  • Legislative Politics and Policy Making
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  • 978-0-472-12707-8 (ebook)
  • 978-0-472-05460-2 (paper)
  • 978-0-472-07460-0 (hardcover)
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  • Political Science:Governance
  • Political Science:American Politics
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  • Table of Contents

  • Resources

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  • Half Title
  • Series Page
  • Title Page
  • Copyright Page
  • Dedication
  • Contents
  • List of Figures
  • List of Tables
  • Acknowledgments
  • One. Introduction
  • Two. A Primer on Dead-on-Arrival Bills
  • Three. A Theory of Agenda Allocation
  • Four. The Strategic Timing of Dead-on-Arrival Bills
  • Five. Rewarding Dysfunction: Interest Groups and Intended Legislative Failure
  • Six. The Long-Term Consequences of Legislative Failure
  • Seven. Conclusion
  • Notes
  • References
  • Index

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Two graphs are shown for ‘all bills’ and ‘important bills’. Both the graphs show‘Probability DOA Bill is rated’ onthe vertical axis, which ranges from 0 to 0.25 in increments of 0.05. The horizontal axis represents two categories: ‘opposition’ and ‘allied’. Two points of different probability values are plotted on each graph.

Probability Interest Group Rates DOA Bill

From Chapter 5

Figure 5.3. Predicted Probability Interest Groups Rate DOA Bill Note: Predicted probabilities that an interest group rates a bill in its legislative scorecard based on the interaction term from Model 1 in Table 5.5. Dead on Arrival is held at 1. Important Bill is held at 0 in the “All Bills” model and its mean in the “Important Bills” model. Log Total Donations is held at its mean.

Graph showing‘Percentage’ on the vertical axis.Thevalues range from 0 to 50, inincrements of 10 units. The horizontal axis represents ‘Congressional Term’.Thevalues range from 108 to 112, inincrements of 1 unit. The graphhas two lines, where the solid line is denoted as ‘percentage of DOA Bills on Agenda’ and the dotted line is denoted as ‘percentage of Rated Votes on DOA Bills’.

Percentage of Agenda and Scorecards Devoted to DOA Bills

From Chapter 5

Figure 5.2. Percentage of Legislative Agenda and Scorecards Devoted to Dead-On-Arrival Bills

Graph showing‘# of DOA Bills on Agenda’ on the vertical axis.Thevalues range from 0 to 60, inincrements of 20 units. The horizontal axis represents ‘Congressional Term’, with values ranging from 108 to 112, inincrements of 1unit.This is a line graph with two plot lines: The ‘House’ is represented by a solid line and the ‘senate’ is represented by a dotted line.

Dead-on-Arrival Bills, By Congress

From Chapter 2

Figure 2.3. Dead-On-Arrival Bills Brought to the Floor by Chamber, 2003-2012

Graph showing ‘Percentage of Bills on the Agenda’ on the vertical axis.The values range from 0-80, inincrements of 10 units. There are three categories on the horizontal axis: All bills, Divided Government, and Unified Government. Under each category the graph of DOA, Non-DOA, and Enacted are plotted.

Percentage of Important DOA and Enactable Bills, 2003-2012

From Chapter 2

Figure 2.2. Important Bills that Received Floor Consideration, 2003-2012

Graph showing ‘Percentage of Bills on the Agenda,’ on the vertical axis. The valueson the Y axis range from 0-70, inincrements of 10 units. There are three categories on the horizontal axis: All bills, Divided Government, and Unified Government. Under each category the graph of DOA, Non-DOA, and Enacted are plotted.

Percentage of DOA and Enactable Bills, 2003-2012

From Chapter 2

Figure 2.1. Bills that Received Floor Consideration, 2003-2012

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